Category: Guest Contributors

September 26, 2014

THE POLITICS OF RILWAN’S DISAPPEARANCE: GANGS, CRIME, POLITICIANS & LAW ENFORCEMENT IN THE MALDIVES

by Aishath Velezinee

A private investigation by Glasgow-based Athena Intelligence and Security into the disappearance of Rilwan (aka Rizwan, @moyameehaa), a Maldivian journalist missing since August 8, 2014, has not led people any closer to finding him nor has it firmly established how he disappeared. Instead, the PI report has opened up the politics of Rilwan’s disappearance.

Today, the interwoven complexities of gangs, religious extremism, politics and organised crime—and the incapacity of law enforcement to address these issues—cannot be ignored. Reaction of politicians, gangs and the Maldives Police Services (MPS) to the Private Invesitgator’s report—commissioned by the Maldivian Democracy Network (MDN) and released on Monday—emphasise these issues. It is starkly obvious in the long-drawn unproductive “search for Rilwan” by the MPS, as much as in their reluctance to speak with or meet the press.

The Private Investigation

The PI report, in fact, has very little new information to disclose. From CCTV footage where Rilwan is last spotted and material already in public domain, the PI identified Ahmed Shiran Saeed and another unnamed man, both said to belong to Kuda Henveiru gang as suspects in Rilwan’s disappearance. Video showing “evidence of possible hostile surveillance being undertaken by two known gang members” is cited as evidence.

Ibrahim Firaq and Aalif Raoof (Arliph Rauf) are named as owners of the only two cars registered in the Maldives that fits the description of a car involved in an abduction that reportedly took place outside Rilwan’s residence at the approximated time of his disappearance. MPS had earlier revealed that two cars had been brought under police custody in relation to Rilwan’s disappearance, but later denied Rilwan was the victim of abduction. There is no report of any other person who disappeared without trace at the time or on the date of Rilwan’s disappearance. So far MPS has not provided the identity of the victim of abduction.

A fifth man named in the report is Ismail Abdul Raheem, a known extremist previously involved in religiously-motivated violent attacks, who had reportedly stalked Rilwan earlier. No direct connection to Rilwan’s disappearance is noted.

The report draws no conclusions except for ruling out suicide or voluntary disappearance. On motives, too, the report has no conclusive information, and considers the possible involvement of major criminal gangs, politicians and religious extremists, referring to available information and past activities.

Three gangs, Buru, “Bosnia”, and Kuda Henveiru are named as possible sources to follow-up. The report cites a series of recent “abductions” of the administrators of a Facebook group called “Colourless”. These cases were not reported to MPS by the victims though they have shared their experience on being invited to speak. They were harassed, intimidated and at least one was physically man-handled by gangsters and religious extremists working together. The alleged gang leader, Muaz, has not denied being involved, in fact he justified his action to his comrades as a “deserved shaking up”.

Possible link to powerful politicians, including government ministers, who reportedly support and use radicalised gangs for personal and political ends is reported as having been brought up by a number of sources. Tourism Minister Ahmed Adeeb, and Defence Minister Mohamed Nazim are named as influential and corrupt politicians, and the name of former Deputy Speaker Ahmed Nazim comes up as having possibly attempted “to draw political capital” from Rilwan’s disappearance:

Following the Subject’s disappearance, in August 2014, it was reported that Ahmed NAZIM, the former Deputy Speaker contacted this reporter and informed him that the Subject had been working on a story to expose the TM [Tourism Minister Adeeb], for corrupt activity. It was suggested that if Haseen were able to link the Subject’s disappearance with the TM, NAZIM would provide him with evidence of the TM’s corruption.

NazimAdeeb The public alliance of Defence Minister Mohamed Nazim and Tourism Minister Ahmed Adeeb and their shared antagonism of Home Minister Umar Naseer is also noted. Further, Islamic Minister Mohamed Shaheem and Home Minister Umar Naseer are named as having met gang members led by Muaz Hammer aka Gut Mua who is said to have initiated the meetings to discuss their concern “on the growth of secularsm” in the Maldives.

MinisterMeet1 The so-called religiously motivated “abductions” of the “Colourless” administrators took place after these meetings which were reported by the Government as “concerned youth” having met the ministers.

MinisterMeet2

The PI report notes they had no access to forensic evidence, and is predominantly based on information from unnamed witnesses and stakeholders gathered from field research using the snowball approach and the cross referencing of these. The purpose of the report, as stated, is “to balance theory and conjecture with fact”.

The Ongoing Search for Rilwan by MPS

The last update from MPS on the investigation into Rilwan’s disappearance on September 16, 2014, translated into English by MPS, reported:

The investigation has determined that no one saw Rizwan in Hulhumale’ after 0000 hours on the 7th of August 2014 and that he did not speak to anyone either.
CCTV footage shows him entering the Hulhumale’ Ferry Terminal in Male’ at about 0055 hours on the 8th of August and an individual told the Police that they spoke to him while on the ferry.
The Police have not found any conclusive evidence linking Rizwan’s disappearance to the incident which occurred near his home on the night of the 7th and the fire in Hulhumale’, which took place on the 15th of August has not been linked to the case either.
Additionally, the Police have summoned and interviewed other individuals caught on the CCTV footage of Rizwan that night.
About 1235 hours of footage from 157 cameras from 79 locations have been obtained and is being analyzed and the footage points to him last being seen at 0055 hours on the 8th of August at the Hulhumale’ Ferry Terminal.
Additionally, 521 minutes of dives have been conducted and a total area of 267197.5 square kilometers have been searched under water, along with 84 vessels.
9 places of residence in Male’ have been searched and about 139 locations in Hulhumale’, including places of residence, warehouses and garages, have been searched.
Some guest houses in the islands are also being searched.
A total of 128 individuals have been questioned and had their statements taken while 387 individuals were questioned and had information recorded, along with 192 individuals who lived in 77 apartments in Hulhumale’.

Earlier, on September 4, 2014, MPS had revealed two cars were being held with Court Orders in case of disappeared journalist and forensic samples were to be sent abroad for testing; and that passports of four individuals were being held.

MPS reaction to the PI report

On Tuesday evening, MPS reacted strongly to the PI report with a loaded and highly political 13-paragraph press release. The Police statement declared MDN had acted irresponsibly, with intent to mislead the public and to achieve a specific political purpose. It went on to say MDN had committed a “lowly act” with the purpose of defaming certain politicians, and that it intended to shape public opinion a certain way. It also said MPS had formed a special task force and was investigating Rilwan’s disappearance.

The statement condemned MDN revealing the identity of suspects saying MDN had violated the human rights of the said individuals, diminishing their human dignity, creating public hatred against them and putting their safety at risk. MPS also noted that the said individual had “already lodged a complaint asserting MDN release of their personal information had put them in danger”.

It further stated that MPS had noted “some parties are attempting to gather information on the ongoing investigation of MPS through Rilwan’s family and others”, and went on to declare that MPS did not believe that the PI’s work, carried out “in the name of searching for Rilwan” with the backing of some persons, was a legitimate activity. It also declared that the MPS will investigate the investigation, and take necessary action against “those behind” the PI report.

MPS also noted they are professionally trained in advanced countries, naming United States, United Kingdom and Australia, and asserted that they follow international best practice in all investigations and are proficient in investigating crimes ranging from petty crimes to terrorism.

RilwanMarch Last Sunday, following MDN’s announcement of the pending release of the PI’s findings, Commissioner of Police Hussain Waheed—who at the time was visiting Haa Dhaal Atoll with all the pomp of a politician—appeared to be reacting strongly against the #FindMoyameehaa movement led by friends and family of Rilwan.

HusseinWaheedDo Addressing the community, CP Hussain Waheed criticized the public demanding action from Police and is quoted as saying “MPS will not be swayed by people’s demands” and “MPS must not be infenced by any person or a group of persons”. Indirecty he referred to a public rally, #SuvaaluMarch (or Question March), led by family and friends of Rilwan demanding answers to questions related to the police investigation into the disappearance of Rilwan. Opposition leader, former President Mohamed Nasheed, and some senior politicians of Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP) had joined the rally to which family of Rilwan had personally written and invited all major parties to join.

MPS response to President Nasheed’s interview to The Independent (UK) was similar, where instead of being concerned and attempting to investigate MPS chose to categorically deny Nasheed’s claim of extremism in the security force in a press release on September 18, 2014. The statement went on to appeal to Nasheed not to defame the security forces “for popularity or public support”.

Reactions to PI Report

NihanTweet1 Following the release of the PI report, the parliamentary majority leader, MP Ahmed Nihan of the ruling Progressive Party of Maldives (PPM), publicly ridiculed the #FindMoyameehaa effort with a tweet mocking the attempts to find him and belittling Rilwan’s disappearance. He then went on to shamelessly defend his action despite the wording on the poster he tweeted which contradict his claim it was an innocent act, and argued: “Parliament have done its part by probing the matter through its proper channels. 241 Committee deliberated.” Online supporters of PPM carried the same line, mocking and taunting those concerned about Rilwan’s disappearance.

Haam

In fact, the parliamentary 241-Committee mandated to look into national security services, a permanently closed committee without access to media or public is reported to have passed the case of Rilwan’s disappearance, raised by the opposition Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP), to a sub-committee. The sub-committee has issued no reports and the 241-Committee has not convened since.

Overnight, new twitter accounts sprung up to harass those who speak up to find Rilwan. This is in addition to the regular supporters of government online who continue to see Rilwan’s disappearance a laugh.

President Yameen Abdul Gayoom who has previously refused to comment on Rilwan’s disappearance remained silent, as did the Home Minister Umar Naseer who was outspoken on gangs, drugs and serious crime and their connection to President Yameen in the lead up to 2013 elections. Nasheed, meanwhile, accused leaders of Adhaalath Party, Islamic Minister Mohamed Shaheem and Sheikh Imran of radicalizing youth and promoting extremism through indoctrination and encouragement of vigilante action in the name of Islam. Nasheed went on to claim Rilwan is believed to have been abducted by a radicalised youth.

“Don’t do this to our youth. Don’t make them do all these vile deeds after picking them out individually and leading them astray,” the opposition leader appealed at an MDP rally in Male’ coinciding with the release of the PI report after the scheduled open air rally had been postponed twice due to bad weather.

MDP MP Eva Abdulla who spoke of Rilwan’s disappearance at the same rally received a text message after the event threatening a suicide attack during the next MDP gathering; and vowing to “kill off” MDP members and to fight “to the last drop of blood.”

Meanwhile, Executive Director of MDN, Shahindha Ismail and lawyer of Rilwan’s family Mushfique Mohamed are openly receiving threats, and it requires huge imagination to envision MPS acting on these threats to guarantee the safety of their targets. “Aleef Thuththu Ec”, seen in the photo below asking for information on Shahindha and Mushfique saying “they need to be disappeared”, is said to be a brother of the Aalif named in the PI report as registered owner of one of the red cars.

AleeThutthu AleeThutthu 2

Gangs, Politicians and Law Enforcement

A rapid assessment of gangs in Male’, published by Asia Foundation in 2012, estimates between 20 and 30 different gangs are active in Male’, an island barely 2.5sq.km in total land area, surrounded by the ocean. It is estimated that there are 50 to 400 members in each of these gangs.

Income for many of these gangs are said to come from “exchanges with political actors or business people.” The report found payment is usually in the form of money, but that sometimes alcohol would be provided for gang services such as participation in political protests, starting political riots, destroying property or injuring a third party. “Money is often given to a gang to initiate a fight so as to divert attention from a political issue”, the report states. Politicians or businessmen generally only deal directly with the gang leader and the amount of money exchanged is known only to the gang leader. The member who carries out the contract receives a small portion of the money. Leaders can sometimes get a monthly income of up to MRF 1 million (USD 65,000) for being on call to carry out a politicians ‘dirty work.’ In extreme cases gang members are given contracts to carry out murder. One member said, “We may be given a file with all the information about the person and be told we may be paid in millions to carry out the killing.” ~ Rapid Assessment of Gangs in Male’, 2012.

The report found gang members had protectors or patrons among powerful politicians who guaranteed law enforcement agencies will leave them alone and that they would be saved from Courts where necessary. A co-dependency is said to exist as gang leaders are aware of illegal and criminal activities of politicians and each depend on the other to achieve their ends.

Serious Concerns

The PI report, the updates provided by MPS on the “ongoing search for Rilwan” and the language and sentiments expressed in other related statements of MPS, and the indisputable fact that it is now nearly 50 days since Rilwan disappeared, gives serious reason for concern about the police investigation. Of immediate critical concern is the unknown situation of Rilwan as the reported “search” by MPS continues without any visibility of such an activity or meaningful updates.

Rilwan’s disappearance, the circumstances surrounding it, the researched yet never addressed relationship between gangs, politicians and crime, and the influence of politics and politicians on law enforcement inclusive of police and the judiciary, makes the situation in Maldives today terrifying. Worse is there is no functional mechanism within the State to stand up to these issues and say, enough is enough.

HusseinWaheedTweet

Current Commissioner of Police in 2013 had tweeted, ‘Police forms a Gang Task Force to prevent and eradicate violent criminal activity. Zero tolerance for gang activity!” but gang crime and the brutality of violent crimes has risen sharply, with stabbings and murders common. Rilwan’s abduction, a crime like no other before this, may not be the last given the criminal environment and the fact that perpetrators of serious crime rarely face justice.

Despite the statements of MPS to the contrary, serious crimes have sharply risen with 31 murders recorded since 2001, ten murders 2012 alone which include the brutal torture and murder of lawyer Ahmed Najeeb and the violent hacking of MP Dr. Afraasheem Ali. A record 27 of these 31 murders remain unsolved.

Crime statistics available on MPS website show crime had been steadily on the rise since 2000, and had decreased by as much as 12% in 2010, rising again 5% in 2011 and 15% in 2012.

Not least among concerns is that MPS may be unable, or unwilling, to investigate Rilwan’s disappearance or address serious organized crime. It may indeed be politics, and the involvement of powerful individuals within or with links to Government is preventing MPS from being professional. Just as gang leaders depend on influential politicians, senior law enforcement officials too depend on powerful individual politicians upon whom their livelihoods depend. When crime rules and silence pays, few would be willing to break out and put their lives and livelihood at risk. They are the fools.

HusseinWaheed2

August 29, 2014

Rilwan – Disappearance of a Young Maldivian Storyteller

rilwan_top

by Mushfique Mohamed

It has been 21 days since Ahmed Rilwan Abdulla, 28, a Maldivian journalist working for online news outlet Minivan News was last seen. Around 2am on 8^th August, Rilwan’s neighbours in Hulhumalé reported seeing a man being forced into a car with his mouth covered. A knife was uncovered at the scene and police later took witness statements from those who reported the abduction. Efforts by the authorities into locating the reported abductee on 8th August were abysmal, creating more room for speculation into connection between the alleged abduction and the journalist who was reported missing by his family on 13^th August. When Rilwan’s family made the missing person’s report, police took over 35 hours to conduct a search and seizure pursuant to it.

Rilwan, Rizwan or his pseudonym “Moya meeha*”, well-known and admired in the Maldivian blogosphere and twitterverse last contacted his employer around 1:45am through Viber on 8^th August, his last tweet was made earlier at 1:02am. Chief Inspector rilwan_family of Maldives Police Service (MPS) stated that the last signal received from Rilwan’s phone was at 2:30am that night, near Henveiru in Malé. MPS confirmed that he had not left the country and officially requested assistance from the public on 14^th August. With a sense of fleeting time to find Rilwan safe, family, colleagues and friends conducted a coordinated search of Hulhumalé, an artificial island administratively run as a suburb of Malé. Maldives’ police were suspiciously slow off the mark; MPS conducted searches on the island only on 16^th August, albeit for 3 consecutive days. Authorities failed to allocate a reward for him but Rilwan’s family increased their initial reward to 200,000 MVR (approximately 13,000 US$) for those with substantial information leading to finding him successfully.

At Minivan News Rilwan covered a variety of stories, from environmental, juridical and human rights issues, to religious radicalism, re-introduction of the death penalty, corruption and immigration. Disturbingly, one of the last stories he covered was that of 15 Maldivian journalists who received death threats over coverage of gang-related violence. His family describe him as someone who is passionate about the Dhivehi language, history, folklore and poetry. Relatives in the video plea made for Rilwan say that it was very important for him to not harm others and to defend human rights. Tweets from friends also describe him as being “intelligent and well-versed with a variety of subjects”. After studying journalism in India, Rilwan worked for Jazeera News and the Human Rights Commission of Maldives (HRCM). He later joined local newspaper Miadhu before becoming a Minivan News journalist in December 2013.

rilwan_mother On 21^st August Maldives’ police conducted searches into certain houses in Malé, however, no information has been disclosed regarding these searches, or whether anyone has been arrested pursuant to Rilwan’s alleged abduction. CCTV footage from the ferry terminal in Malé clearly shows two men following Rilwan’s movements. It was his family and friends that expeditiously retrieved the CCTV footage and attempted to identify him on 15^th August. On 27th August immigration confirmed that four passports were withheld in relation to Rilwan’s disappearance. The same day, Haveeru News reported that it had information that police seized a car a week ago regarding the reported abduction on 8^th August. The authorities’ poor and delayed reaction to this incident has resulted in public outrage and fear within society. The media campaign created by his friends, colleagues and family presents to the viewer an unsettling possibility, “Where is Rilwan? Am I next?”.

Maldives’ private media outlets released a joint statement on 23rd August expressing grave concern over the disappearance of a fellow journalist. “Efforts have always been made by various parties to silence journalists. Many journalists have been assaulted. Murder attempts have been made as well. TVM and DhiTV were vandalised while VTV and Raajje TV were torched. Now, a journalist has disappeared without a trace,” read the statement. Furthermore, the statement suggests, “information [they] have gathered so far strongly suggests Rilwan was abducted.”

Unity among Maldives’ media to condemn attacks to press freedom is commendable and exceptional given ideological and editorial fissure within most local media outlets. The Yameen administration’s responses to ensure safety from threats made to politicians, journalists and secularists have been unsatisfactory as to support allegations of complacency or complicity. “It is the state’s responsibility to make relevant policies and laws to ensure this right for every Maldivian. However, sadly this worsening wound is festering without any treatment. As a result, extremism of all forms is becoming stronger, and the danger of gangs is growing” the statement continued.

Rilwan’s family and friends gathered at the People’s Majlis (parliament) on 25th August, while his mother submitted a letter, asking the Members of Parliament to hold MPS to account and expedite the investigation into her son’s mysterious disappearance. “I beseech you, as Speaker of the Majlis, prioritise this important case, and for the sake of all Maldivians, question Commissioner of Police to find out the truth. I plead with you; find out how my son is. Please take all necessary steps through the Majlis,” read the letter. The family asserted that past occurrences where Rilwan’s writings and views attracted death threats were reported to Maldives Police Service each time. With the letter, Rilwan’s mother outlined the gravity of her son’s situation to parliamentarians. She writes, “given the dire context of this incident; set in today’s society where there are unjustifiable assaults, reports of kidnapping or enforced disappearances and death threats, from unlisted numbers, made to young writers and journalists,” MPS has not provided adequate information on the progress of the case to the victim’s family.

hilath Death threats, knife-crime and abductions are not uncommon in the tiny Arabian Sea-Indian Ocean archipelago that recently introduced multi-party democracy in 2008. The first democratically elected president Mohamed Nasheed, was first detained in solitary confinement by former leader Maumoon Abdul Gayoom for an article he wrote, published on ‘The Island’, a Sri Lankan newspaper in 1990. While crime rates in Maldives heavily increased, freedoms introduced during Nasheed’s government were met with staunch critics of democracy who deployed religious rhetoric and faux postcolonialism.

Openly gay Maldivian blogger and human rights activist Hilath Rasheed was the victim of an attempted murder in June 2012. He led a silent protest promoting religious freedom and tolerance in the Maldives on Human Rights Day in 2011. The protest took place a month after the Nasheed administration was labeled anti-Islamic by an alliance consisting of Islamists and dictator-loyalists. Events such as, the monuments that were brought for the SAARC Summit considered “idolatrous” by Islamists; UN Human Rights Chief Navi Pillay’s comments regarding flogging made at the People’s Majlis; in November 2011, and reports that Israeli airline Al-El would operate from Malé International Airport earlier in May 2011 were used effectively to brand Nasheed “unIslamic.” Maldives’ police failed to investigate those who attacked the silent protestors, giving impunity to intolerance and radicalism. Momentum amassed from Islamist rhetoric resulted in the 23^rd December politico-religious alliance in defence of Islam, which eventually saw the ouster of former President Nasheed in February 2012 in a bloodless coup.

Moderate PPM MP Afrasheem was brutally murdered in October 2012 after publicly apologising for comments he made which were deemed “unIslamic” by fundamentalists. Opposition aligned Raajje TV journalist Ibrahim Asward Waheed suffered a near fatal attack the same year after televising an empirical report on Gayoom era corruption. Since the disappearance, threats have increased, with Minivan 97 journalist Aishath Aniya, Raajje TV journalist Ahmed Fairooz, V News editor Adam Haleem, Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP) MPs Mariya Didi and Eva Abdulla, Jumhooree Party leader Gasim Ibrahim publicly claiming to have received death threats via text message. Earlier this year in June, Minivan News was the only local news outlet that covered a series of attacks on individuals perceived to be atheists, secularists or homosexuals by a group consisting of radical Islamists and prominent gang members in Malé.

The nexus between religious radicalisation of prisoners is clear and well documented. The BBC reported in May 2014 that there were around 100 Islamist terrorists in prisons in England and Wales. In Maldives where Islam is the state religion, authorities endorse fundamentalism perceiving it to be repentance or rehabilitation. By providing fundamentalist sermons and allowing only such reading material for inmates, the problem is worsened. Radicalisation denotes that these terrorist groups are willing to engage in violence to achieve political aims, distinguished from those who are fundamentalist without violent activism. As Islamism is a fundamentalist and politicized interpretation of Islam – observable in modern times – crimes committed in its name by radicals are both religious as it is political.

A report authored by Peter R. Neumann based on country reports on prison radicalisation and de-radicalisation from 15 countries; Algeria, Egypt, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, Yemen, United Kingdom, United States, Israel, Singapore, Netherlands, Philippines, France, Indonesia, Afghanistan and Spain outlines instances where prisons can be a ‘hotbed’ for radicalism, but also cites methods by which inmates can be “de-radicalised or disengaged; collectively or individually” through prison policies and programmes. The report carried out between May 2009 and May 2010 by the International Centre for the Study of Radicalisation and Political Violence (ICSR), claims that there are varied instances where prisoners affiliated with radical Islamist groups to propagate their politico-religious ideology and recruit fellow inmates. The 2013 US Department of State country report on terrorism states that there is concern in the Maldives for young inmates increasingly viewing transnational jihad as an attractive prospect. The prevalence of Takfiri ideas among Islamists, coupled with adolescent gang-related crime and political violence has created an environment that fails to safeguard freedom of press, freedom of speech and freedom of belief.

A 2012 report published by the Asia Foundation lead by Dr. Aishath Ali Naaz notes that religious education gang members have received in school “is insufficient to deter them from violence.” The report highlighted the exploitation of gangs in Malé by politicians and businessmen who use them as means to achieve political ends. The Yameen administration, which came to power on the premise of strong anti-secular rhetoric, continues a policy of reticence, denial and inaction, thereby fostering connections between Islamist radicalism, political polarization and increasing gang culture in Malé. Meanwhile his brother, former strongman Maumoon, continues to whip up ultranationalism, recently warning Maldivians of “irreligious” and “secular” ideas gaining prevalence in society. yameen Statements have been made on 20th August regarding Rilwan’s disappearance by international bodies such as UN Human Rights Commissioner, and media associations such as Reporters Without Borders, CPJ, IFJ and South Asia Media Solidarity Network on 19th August, as well as news outlets and human rights advocates worldwide. However, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs released its statement much later on 21st August with an inaccurate date of disappearance.

On 4^th August, Rilwan tweeted from his Twitter account @moyameehaa: “on multiple occasions #Maldives’ journalists have said they don’t feel safe covering news related to gangs and Islamists”. Islamic Ministry has publicly tweeted distancing itself from the Islamic State (formerly known as “Islamic State for Iraq and the Levant”). Despite this, the government seems to be allowing violent groups to usurp executive power . No matter how much authorities step up search and seizure efforts now, it will not undo perceptions regarding consequences of the delayed reaction, or government’s abject disregard for public safety, equally for all citizens. And when the criminal justice system remains inept to dispense evidence-based justice – without relying solely on confessions – it fails to reassure citizens on escalating politico-religious gang violence.

rilwan_boy Among many Maldivians like Rilwan online, the mysterious disappearance of a levelheaded, humorous and well-read individual on social media produces a state of fear. Perhaps the government is suggesting that gang members and Islamist radicals affiliated with politicians will continue to police outspoken Maldivians, and the government will continue with its indifference towards autocratic judiciary in transition, polarized identity politics, gang violence and Islamist radicalism in Maldivian society. When these factors remain brewing unhindered or sanctioned by the State, discourse on identity, culture and religion remain not with progressive thinkers like Rilwan, but with delinquents preaching hate in the name of nation and religion.

*Moyameehaa means ‘madman’ in Dhivehi – explaining why he used this as a pseudonym, Rilwan told his friend Lucas Jaleel; “The one who speaks rationally will be considered a madman when living among an irrational people.”

July 11, 2014

The scramble for Maldives

Maldives for sale online, www.dutchdocklands.com

by Mushfique Mohamed

The political changes that marked Maldives’ transition to democracy have not translated into equal distribution of wealth or access to basic public services such as clean water, health care, electricity, waste-management and sewage systems, throughout the country. The rapid political changes and crises experienced in the past decade has done little to confound the popularized image of the Maldives as a hedonistic paradise for tourists, despite being considered ‘one of the most miserable countries in the world’ for its own citizens. Continuing this story of two Maldives: the real and the represented, the Yameen government has submitted the Special Economic Zones (SEZs) Bill to the People’s Majlis. In doing so, the government is attempting to sell the illusory tale that liberalisation of trade by autocrats – granting incentives to multinational corporations (MNCs) – trickles wealth down to ordinary citizens.

President Abdullah Yameen Abdul Gayoom, brother of former strongman Maumoon Abdul Gayoom, announced plans to develop SEZs in April 2014 at an investor forum held by the Maldivian government in Marina Bay Sands, Singapore. Notable investors such as US company Blackstone (which acquired a controlling interest in Maldivian Air Taxi “MAT” and Trans Maldivian Airways “TMA” in February 2013), Singapore-based HPL Hotels and Resorts, China Machinery Engineering Corporation (CMEC), the Carlson Group of Companies, Pan Pacific Hotels and Resorts, United Bunkering and Trading Group, and Singapore Enterprise were present at the forum.

The SEZs bill entails demarcation of specific geographic areas into zones where special customs regime and laws apply for investors and developers. Developers’ Business Profit Taxes (BPT) can be exempted, and Goods and Services Taxes (GST) are exempted initially for ten years, and can be withheld or exempted for additional years if the SEZs board allows. Shareholders are exempt from paying BPT on their dividends, and tax relief can be afforded to developers through special procedures by the SEZs board. The SEZs board can also lease land in the Maldives to foreign companies for up to ninety-nine years and Maldivian companies are exempt from tax when acquiring ownership of land.

The SEZs defined under the bill include the following: Industrial Estate, Export Processing Zone, Free-Trade Zone, Enterprise Zone, Free Port, Single Factory Export Processing Zone, Offshore Banking Unit, Offshore Financing Service Centre, and a High Technology Park (Articles 9-18). Government officials have echoed Singapore, Hong Kong, Oman, Qatar and Dubai as examples of SEZs stimulating foreign direct investment. China and India have been touted by the World Bank as proof of economic growth through introduction of liberal economic policies and legislations such as SEZs. Gradually, China and India began to structurally transform its economies in the 1980s and 1990s respectively, with its GDP growing at an annual average rate of 10% and 6% over the past two decades. In the case of China and India, although SEZs are associated with trade liberalization, studies have shown that it does not always result in human development, economic growth or liberalization of domestic markets (Leong 2013).

Speaking to the media in June 2014, the Minister of Economic Development Mohamed Saeed likened existing tourist resorts to SEZs, possibly to suggest how potentially profitable these policies could be. Contrastingly, the recently published second Maldives’ Human Development Index report by the United Nations Development Project affirms that despite being lucrative and effective at enabling economic growth, the luxury tourism industry has not alleviated socio-economic inequalities, but rather contributed to it. Speaking to local news website Minivan News, Tourism Minister Ahmed Adheeb defended the bill claiming that it is in line with decentralization, and that it will shift the focus away from the densely populated capital Malé.

However, a Facebook Community named The Maldivian Economist – a forum where economic and financial policies are discussed – has published a detailed refutation of the notions put forth by the government regarding the SEZs bill. The Maldivian Economist notes that the bill takes power away from the people – local government and elected officials, concentrating wealth under a “centralized autocratic government.” Although the bill purportedly aims to limit Maldives’ reliance on tourism income, it provides additional import duty, tax and foreign labor concessions specifically for hotel, tourism-related, and real estate businesses.

Primarily, the Bill aims to run nine types of SEZs. But the 17-member SEZs board called ‘the Board of Investments’ – made up of unelected government officials, including two presidential appointees – decides how many zones, and of which types would be set up across the Maldives (Article 22). The bill affords the SEZs board the discretion to extend incentives, such as tax relief or increase the allocation of expatriates and migrant workers upon request. If the bill is enacted, it will prevail over existing laws (according to Article 80(b), 14 existing legislations to be exact) and regulations made prior to it. Only special SEZ ‘facilitating’ regulations made by relevant governmental authorities, decisions and regulations made by the SEZs board, obligations cited under the developer’s permit, and terms and conditions stipulated under the investment agreement or concession agreement would be applicable within any SEZ (Article 33(b), Article 70).

Although the bill states that discussions shall be made between councilors, and that the Chairperson of the SEZs board and the Minister of Economic Development shall be answerable to the parliament, it does not afford government oversight any decision-making powers. All the decision-making powers with regard to which investors attain development projects and which areas are designated SEZs is vested with the SEZs board and the President. The SEZs board also decides which existing tourism related businesses could be relocated into an SEZ. (Article 74(c)). Under an authoritarian government, the SEZs board would end up assuming overwhelming wealth through developers, and in the absence of competition laws invisibilize local fishermen and entrepreneurs who call these SEZs home.

Once the President demarks an area as an SEZ, even if it currently belongs under the authority of a local council, its authority is transferred to the Ministry of Economic Development, as per Article 33(a) of the Bill. The Maldivian Economist states that this allows “all the revenue to bypass local councils and go into the state budget.” Article 37(b) of the bill states that if a development project aims to relocate island communities to the area being developed, the SEZs board has the discretion to grant the developer additional incentives.

The concession agreement with GMR Malaysia Airport Holdings consortium and the Nasheed administration signed in June 2010 to develop and run Malé international airport, was the largest foreign direct investment in the Maldives. The coup regime of Dr Mohamed Waheed Hassan Manik, which included members of the current government expelled India’s GMR citing ‘void ab initio’, but used religious rhetoric and an ultranationalist anti-India campaign to drive home the now debunked legal argument. Due to the xenophobic GMR fiasco, it seems as if an entirely different government has submitted the SEZs bill, ready to embrace the globalized world economy.

The opposition Maldivian Democratic Party has dubbed the bill, “the Artur Brothers bill”, invoking top government officials’ links to famous Armenian gangsters, and possibility of increased money laundering due to offshore financing.¹ Resonating sentiments of SEZs critics, Salma Fikry, one of Maldives’ foremost experts on decentralisation and development, told Minivan News last week that, “it [SEZs bill] is not sustainable nor empowering for the Maldivian population.”

Canadian author Naomi Klein’s book “the Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism” is a literary indictment of the radically liberal free-market policies introduced by economists trained at the Chicago School of Economics. In her view, policies espoused by Milton Friedman and his protégés world-over have historically exploited crises: “wars, terror attacks, coups d’état and natural disasters” in the developing world.

Post-tsunami opportunism during Gayoom’s dictatorship is also mentioned in Klein’s well-researched hypothesis. Following the 2004 Tsunami, with funding from the World Bank and other international bodies, the Maldivian government announced the Safe Island Program in order to relocate island communities. Klein argues that the regime was merely “freeing up more land for tourism.” This argument is convincing as she notes, “in December 2005, one year after the tsunami, the Gayoom government announced that thirty-five new islands were available to be leased to resorts for up to fifty years.”

To a certain degree, the SEZs bill is similar to the Safe Island Program; it glorifies “the blank”, a country with special privileges and policies for MNCs and foreigners, void of its inhabitants. As the Maldivian Economist has noted, in the Maldivian context of escalating socio-economic disparities, and corruption within the judiciary, government and parliament, this bill will not enable the human development it envisions. Instead, it solely empowers the government and corporations associated with it. These policies will do more harm than good to a small economy such as the Maldives, which does not have any existing legal barriers to foreign direct investment.